EN USA HAY INTELECTUALES DE DERECHA, LA DERECHA ILUSTRADA

[pepe]

William F. Buckley, Jr.


Born November 24, 1925
New York City, United States
Died February 27, 2008 (aged 82)
Stamford, Connecticut,
United States
Occupation
Author
Commentator
Television personality

Nationality
American
Subjects American conservatism, Politics, Anti-communism, Espionage





WILLIAM F. BUCKLEY JR.


William Frank Buckley, Jr. (November 24, 1925 – February 27, 2008) was an American conservative author and commentator.
He founded the political magazine National Review in 1955, hosted 1429 episodes of the television show Firing Line from 1966 until 1999, and was a nationally syndicated newspaper columnist.
His writing style was famed for its erudition, wit, and use of uncommon words.

George H. Nash, a historian of the modern American conservative movement, believed that Buckley was "arguably the most important public intellectual in the United States in the past half century".

"For an entire generation he was the preeminent voice of American conservatism and its first great ecumenical figure."

Buckley's primary intellectual achievement was to fuse traditional American political conservatism with laissez-faire economic theory and anti-communism, laying the groundwork for the modern American conservatism of U.S. presidential candidates Barry Goldwater and President Ronald Reagan.



This post has been edited by pepe on Sep 6 2009, 10:00 AM

[pepe]

George Will


Born May 4, 1941 (age 68)
Champaign, Illinois

Residence Washington, D.C.

Education Trinity College — B.A.
University of Oxford — M.A.
Princeton University— PhD (1968)

Occupation Journalist, author
Employer ABC News, Newsweek, Washington Post
Spouse(s) Mari Maseng
Parents Frederick L. Will and Louise Hendrickson Will
George Frederick Will (born May 4, 1941) is a Pulitzer Prize-winning newspaper columnist, journalist, and author.

Criticism of the George W. Bush administration
George Will opposed the nomination of Harriet Miers to the United States Supreme Court, and was among the first and prominent Beltway media to do so.
Will expressed reservations about Bush administration Iraq policies, eventually openly criticizing what he perceived to be an unrealistically optimistic set of political scenarios.
In March 2006, in a column penned in the aftermath of the apparently sectarian bombing of the Askariya Shrine in Samarra, Baghdad, Will challenged the Bush administration—and U.S. government representatives in Iraq—to be more honest about the difficulties the United States faced in rebuilding and maintaining order within Iraq, comparing the White House's rhetoric unfavorably to that of Winston Churchill during the early years of World War II. The optimistic assessments delivered by the Bush administration were described by Will as the "rhetoric of unreality."
Will criticized the Bush Iraq policy, and broader White House and congressional foreign and domestic policy making, in his keynote address for the Cato Institute's 2006 Milton Friedman Prize dinner.

Criticism of the 2008 McCain-Palin campaign
Will was also a harsh and early critic of both Sarah Palin and John McCain's end game for the election of 2008.
He criticized Palin's understanding of the role of the Vice President, her qualifications for that role and even titled his pre-election Op-Ed piece in the Washington Post "Call Him John the Careless".

[pepe]

David Brooks

Born August 11, 1961 (age 48)
Toronto, Ontario

Alma mater
University of Chicago (A.B.)

Occupation columnist, pundit

Website
New York Times columns

David Brooks (born August 11, 1961) is an American political and cultural commentator.
Brooks served as an editorial writer and film reviewer for the Washington Times, a reporter and later op-ed editor for The Wall Street Journal, a senior editor at The Weekly Standard from its inception, a contributing editor at Newsweek and The Atlantic Monthly, and a commentator on NPR. He is now a columnist for The New York Times and commentator on The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer.

Brooks in the political spectrum
Brooks describes himself as being originally a liberal before 'coming to his senses.' In 1983, he wrote a parody of conservative pundit William F. Buckley, Jr.:
In the afternoons he is in the habit of going into crowded rooms and making everybody else feel inferior. The evenings are reserved for extended bouts of name-dropping. (University of Chicago Maroon, April 5, 1983.)

Buckley admired the parody and offered Brooks a job with National Review. A turning point in Brooks's thinking came later that year in a televised debate with Milton Friedman, which, as Brooks describes it, "was essentially me making a point, and he making a two-sentence rebuttal which totally devastated my point."

Before the Iraq War, Brooks argued forcefully on moral grounds for American military intervention, echoing the belief of conservative commentators and political figures that American and British forces would be welcomed as liberators. However, some of his opinion pieces in the spring of 2004 suggested that he had tempered somewhat his earlier optimism about the war.

On August 10, 2006, Brooks wrote a column for the New York Times titled "Party No. 3". The column proposed the idea of the McCain-Lieberman Party, or the fictional representation of the moderate majority in America.

Many in the "conservative movement" such as Rush Limbaugh denounce him as he frequently runs to the left.

He has long been a supporter of John McCain; however, Brooks did not show a liking for Governor Sarah Palin, who ran with McCain on the 2008 republican presidential ticket, calling her a "cancer" on the Republican Party.

[pepe]

Desafortunadamente, los párrafos anteriores están escritos en inglés.
Mi intención es sólo crear una sugerencia.
Cada cual que haga su propio research y que saque sus propias conclusiones.

Sólo he querido decir que el conservadurismo y el intelecto no están reñidos.

Hay una derecha extremista que es anti-intelectual y una izquierda (también extremista) que es dogmática y que persigue a los intelectuales, como quedó bien vista durante la experiencia del comunismo en Europa.

El liberalismo, en el sentido recto de la palabra, en el sentido europeo, es – intelectualmente – no un dogma sino una invitación a reflexionar.

Y hay un liberalismo económico y un liberalismo intelectual, etc. Y todo es complicado.
Y hay un intelectualismo irresponsable y barato, que con frecuencia caracteriza a los “liberales” de USA (es un mal uso de la palabra) y a mucha gente de Hollywood, etc.

El buen sentido, creo yo, es no dejar que nadie me empuje hacia los extremos (que son todos malos).

Hay que considerar todos los hechos y todos los temas uno a uno y con mucho cuidado.
Hay que pensar con calma, tener una mente abierta y amplia – y hay que tener terror a las ideologías.
Las ideologías se convierten en un facilismo para no pensar.

Y no dejar que nadie lo amarre a uno en una “línea de partido”.

Cuando yo empiezo a conversar con alguien y esta persona me dice (desde el principio y con alguna emoción), “Yo soy demócrata” o “Yo soy republicano”, yo, francamente, prefiero dejarlo ahí. No vale la pena.
No tengo tiempo que perder. Sería muy infantil.